Did the
Bharatiya Janata Party spend the money collected in the name of the Gujarat
Relief Fund on itself ?
Why did the
Income-tax (I-T) Department take a sudden U-turn to grant Income-tax exemption
to the Congress ? How can leaders of the Communist Party of India justify
purchase of shares in private limited companies with party funds ? And how can
political parties contest elections in Bihar when they are either bankrupt or
have meagre funds ?
Questions,
and more questions, came up as DNA carried out an exhaustive analysis of the
I-T returns filed by the country’s major political parties seeking tax
exemption. These returns have for years remained secret, but thanks to recent
efforts and many spirited appeals by the Association for Democratic Reforms,
an NGO working for improving transparency in the electoral process, the
details are now tumbling out.
Over the
past several days, DNA has been combing through these returns with the
assistance of experts. Several startling facts have emerged, foremost being
the callousness with which the I-T Department has been scrutinising these
returns. There are huge gaps in the claims of many political parties in their
I-T returns. How could the bankrupt RJD of Lalu Prasad contest elections in
Bihar year after year ? How was it possible for the Janata Dal (United) to
fight elections in Bihar with assets worth just a few lakh rupees ? The BJP’s
balance sheets for 2001-06 show that it collected Rs.2.68 crore as a ‘Gujarat
Relief Fund’ during this period, but not a single paisa from that was
disbursed for relief. Also, it’s not clear if this relief fund is part of
BJP’s net worth of Rs.102.70 crore in the financial year 2005-06.
There were
two I-T cases pending against the Congress. Soon after the Congress-led United
Progressive Allian’The balance sheet of 2001-02 shows that the AO raised tax
demands of Rs.1.80 crore and Rs.14.79 lakh, respectively, on the two
donations. Strangely, the Congress returns do not show who donated these
amounts. In 2002-03, when the BJP-led NDA was still in power, the Assessing
Officer increased the tax demand on these donations to Rs.2.57 crore and
Rs.18.12 lakh, respectively. The Congress went in for fresh appeal to the CIT
(Appeals). Within months of coming to power, the party got a favourable order.
The CPI(M) had disclosed donations worth only Rs.27.70 lakh to the Election
Commission between 2003 and 2007, placing it among India’s poorest national
parties. DNA has published a series of reports on donations declared by
political parties to the Commission.
But the
CPI(M) is among the richest parties in the country. According to its returns,
the party’s donations, a majority of which are below Rs.20,000 each, add up to
a whopping Rs.84.84 crore between 2001 and 2006.
For the CPI,
the returns bring up some uncomfor-table questions. The party’s auditor, Pune-based
P. G. Bhagwat, has stated that several private equity shares running into
lakhs have been purcha-sed by CPI leaders. The auditors have, however, not
given out names of the CPI leaders in whose names the shares were purchased.
What makes things more suspicious is that 2 of the private firms, both based
in Mumbai, are shown to have closed business.
(Source : DNA,
Media Reports & Internet, 06.04.2009 )
